A History of Hate in Ohio: Then and Now
Autor Michael E. Brooks, Bob Fitrakis Introducere de Marilyn K. Howarden Limba Engleză Paperback – 27 iul 2021
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Specificații
ISBN-13: 9780814258002
ISBN-10: 081425800X
Pagini: 226
Ilustrații: 17
Dimensiuni: 152 x 229 x 23 mm
Greutate: 0.37 kg
Ediția:1
Editura: Ohio State University Press
Colecția Trillium
ISBN-10: 081425800X
Pagini: 226
Ilustrații: 17
Dimensiuni: 152 x 229 x 23 mm
Greutate: 0.37 kg
Ediția:1
Editura: Ohio State University Press
Colecția Trillium
Recenzii
“Painstakingly exposes the long, tragic, and pervasive existence (and occasional dominance) of racial hatred and discrimination in the state.…A History of Hate in Ohio offers new insights regarding white supremacist movements in the Midwest and nationally. The deep connections between contemporary political leaders and the white supremacist movements of the 1980s and 1990s are especially revealing.” —Andrew Varsanyi, H-Net
“The book’s unflinching, detailed account of White racial violence in Ohio can serve as a valuable reference for not only experts but also anti-racist organizations and perhaps even movements toward reparations. … An important resource, this book is a timely contribution to Ohio and midwestern history.” —Britt Halvorson, Middle West Review
“An exceptionally thorough history of white supremacy focused on Ohio but relevant nationwide. By analyzing supremacist influences on American history, from conquests of Native Americans to today’s alt right, the authors have created an eye-opening resource. Its accessible style will engage a broad readership.” —Deborah Levine, editor of American Diversity Report
“In this extensively researched and meticulously documented book, Brooks and Fitrakis effectively trace the origins of racism and nativism that have punctuated Ohio’s history, including the ‘everyday white supremacy’ that is present to this day.” —Barry Balleck, author of Allegiance to Liberty: The Changing Face of Patriots, Militias, and Political Violence in America
“The book’s unflinching, detailed account of White racial violence in Ohio can serve as a valuable reference for not only experts but also anti-racist organizations and perhaps even movements toward reparations. … An important resource, this book is a timely contribution to Ohio and midwestern history.” —Britt Halvorson, Middle West Review
“An exceptionally thorough history of white supremacy focused on Ohio but relevant nationwide. By analyzing supremacist influences on American history, from conquests of Native Americans to today’s alt right, the authors have created an eye-opening resource. Its accessible style will engage a broad readership.” —Deborah Levine, editor of American Diversity Report
“In this extensively researched and meticulously documented book, Brooks and Fitrakis effectively trace the origins of racism and nativism that have punctuated Ohio’s history, including the ‘everyday white supremacy’ that is present to this day.” —Barry Balleck, author of Allegiance to Liberty: The Changing Face of Patriots, Militias, and Political Violence in America
Notă biografică
Michael E. Brooks is Associate Professor of Teaching at Bowling Green State University. He is the author of The Ku Klux Klan in Wood County.
Bob Fitrakis is Distinguished Full Professor of Political Science at Columbus State Community College and editor/publisher of the Free Press.
Bob Fitrakis is Distinguished Full Professor of Political Science at Columbus State Community College and editor/publisher of the Free Press.
Extras
Despite its being the Era of the Common Man, life for African Americans in the North was becoming increasingly more difficult. White northerners may have barred slavery, but they had no intention of living in a society in which Blacks were their equals. Segregation is a Northern invention. Just as in the South, white Northerners believed that Blacks were inferior, and they readily supported phrenology, a new pseudoscientific field that claimed it could rank different races based on the size of their skulls. This gave white Northerners scientific “proof” of Blacks’ inferiority, and segregation helped preserve their whiteness.
Still, free Blacks continued moving into the North. White Northerners met their stubborn refusal to accept their inferior status by using established customs and the law to make the lives of Blacks more unbearable. They ensured that the law clearly designated Blacks as an inferior race, and that Blacks could expect no protection or consideration from it. They criminalized blackness, and developed a dual justice system in which Blacks were arrested and imprisoned far more than whites for even the most minor offenses.
At the same time that the common man was gifted with universal male suffrage, Blacks in the North were being stripped of the right to vote. White Northerners also excluded Blacks from political life, guaranteeing that no politician need give the slightest thought to anything even remotely related to Blacks. This foretold the battle against Black citizenship that would define so much of the 1850s.
Free Blacks in the North also continued to be the targets of white mob violence into the middle of the nineteenth century. Some of that violence happened in Cincinnati, Ohio, in the southwestern part of the state. It shared a border with Kentucky, a slave state, and as in other Northern states, white natives, European immigrants, and Blacks jockeyed for low-skilled or unskilled work. In that combustible mixture were runaway slaves and the whites who helped them. In the 1830s and 1840s Cincinnati whites formed mobs and wantonly destroyed Black neighborhoods and property belonging to abolitionists. Blacks in Massachusetts, Rhode Island, New York, and Philadelphia were also victimized by white mobs.
One of the clearest examples of Northern racism and its toleration for white mob violence were the Draft Riots in New York. Whites in New York City were angry about the draft, which they viewed as unfair. A white man with money could literally pay a poor white man to take his place in the Union Army. Whites were also angry about what they began to see as a war that was being fought on behalf of defeating slavery. White mobs made up of criminals and ethnic whites took their frustration out on Blacks, roaming through Black neighborhoods unmolested, looting and burning. Some Blacks were even lynched. It took federal troops days to quash the violence.
White politicians did not hesitate to blame African Americans for the mayhem. They denounced public officials who supported a war against slavery in the most vitriolic of language. Legislators in Indiana, Illinois, and New Jersey were all led by Democrats who railed against the prospect of four million freed slaves moving into their states.
Still, free Blacks continued moving into the North. White Northerners met their stubborn refusal to accept their inferior status by using established customs and the law to make the lives of Blacks more unbearable. They ensured that the law clearly designated Blacks as an inferior race, and that Blacks could expect no protection or consideration from it. They criminalized blackness, and developed a dual justice system in which Blacks were arrested and imprisoned far more than whites for even the most minor offenses.
At the same time that the common man was gifted with universal male suffrage, Blacks in the North were being stripped of the right to vote. White Northerners also excluded Blacks from political life, guaranteeing that no politician need give the slightest thought to anything even remotely related to Blacks. This foretold the battle against Black citizenship that would define so much of the 1850s.
Free Blacks in the North also continued to be the targets of white mob violence into the middle of the nineteenth century. Some of that violence happened in Cincinnati, Ohio, in the southwestern part of the state. It shared a border with Kentucky, a slave state, and as in other Northern states, white natives, European immigrants, and Blacks jockeyed for low-skilled or unskilled work. In that combustible mixture were runaway slaves and the whites who helped them. In the 1830s and 1840s Cincinnati whites formed mobs and wantonly destroyed Black neighborhoods and property belonging to abolitionists. Blacks in Massachusetts, Rhode Island, New York, and Philadelphia were also victimized by white mobs.
One of the clearest examples of Northern racism and its toleration for white mob violence were the Draft Riots in New York. Whites in New York City were angry about the draft, which they viewed as unfair. A white man with money could literally pay a poor white man to take his place in the Union Army. Whites were also angry about what they began to see as a war that was being fought on behalf of defeating slavery. White mobs made up of criminals and ethnic whites took their frustration out on Blacks, roaming through Black neighborhoods unmolested, looting and burning. Some Blacks were even lynched. It took federal troops days to quash the violence.
White politicians did not hesitate to blame African Americans for the mayhem. They denounced public officials who supported a war against slavery in the most vitriolic of language. Legislators in Indiana, Illinois, and New Jersey were all led by Democrats who railed against the prospect of four million freed slaves moving into their states.
Cuprins
List of Illustrations
Acknowledgments
List of Acronyms
Introduction
Then: A History of Racism and Bigotry in Ohio
Now
Notes
Bibliography
Index
Acknowledgments
List of Acronyms
Introduction
Then: A History of Racism and Bigotry in Ohio
Now
Notes
Bibliography
Index
Descriere
Presents the first comprehensive study of white supremacy and hate groups in the Buckeye State, from the colonial era to the present day.