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The Agency and the Hill: CIA's Relationship with Congress, 1946-2004

Autor L. Britt Snider Center for the Study of Intelligence (U.S.)
en Limba Engleză Paperback – 6 mai 2008 – vârsta de la 22 până la 95 ani
This is a study of the CIA’s relationship with Congress.
It encompasses the period from the creation of the
Agency until 2004—the era of the DCIs.  DCIs were Directors of Central Intelligence.
Citește tot Restrânge

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Specificații

ISBN-13: 9781929667178
ISBN-10: 1929667175
Pagini: 389
Ilustrații: Black and white portraits
Dimensiuni: 152 x 226 x 23 mm
Greutate: 0.75 kg
Ediția:New.
Editura: Central Intelligence Agency
Colecția Central Intelligence Agency

Cuprins

v

C

ONTENTS Preface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .xiii

PART I: WHAT THE RELATIONSHIP WAS LIKE

Chapter 1: THE NATURE OF THE

RELATIONSHIP, 1946–76 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3

The Central Intelligence Group (1946–47) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3

The Early Oversight Arrangements: 1947–56 . . . . . . . . . . . . 5

The Mansfield Resolutions: 1953–55 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11

Debate in the Senate: 1956 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14

Subsequent Developments: 1956–59 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17

The Issue of GAO Audits: 1959–62 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20

Shootdown of the U-2: 1960 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21

The Bay of Pigs: 1961 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21

The Remainder of the 1960s: A Period of Quiescence . . . . 23

McCone’s Early Interaction with the Congress . . . . . . . . . . 23

CIA Interaction with the Congress: 1963–66 . . . . . . . . . . . 25

The SFRC Asserts Its Right to Oversee the CIA: 1966 . . . 26

1971: A Pivotal Year . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27

Congressional Inquiries into Watergate: 1973–74 . . . . . . . . 28

Congressional Inquiries into the CIA

Activities in Chile: 1973–74 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31

Allegations of Domestic Spying and Other

Abuses: 1974–75 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33

The Church Committee: 1975–76 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35

The Nedzi/Pike Committees: 1975–76 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37

AUTHOR’S COMMENTARY

The Early Congressional Arrangements: 1947–76 . . . . . . 39

The Joint Committee “Panacea” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 42

The Personalities, Attitudes, and Circumstances

of the Early DCIs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43

CHAPTER 2: THE RELATIONSHIP: 1976–2004 . . . . . . . . . 51

The Senate Select Committee on Intelligence: 1976 . . . . . . 51

The House Permanent Select Committee

on Intelligence: 1977 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 53

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39
vi

C

ONTENTS 1977–80: The Committees Prove Themselves . . . . . . . . . . . 56

The Intelligence Oversight Act of 1980 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 59

The Mining of the Nicaraguan Harbors and

the Casey Accords: 1984 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 60

Term Limits as an Issue for the SSCI: 1984 . . . . . . . . . . . . 61

GAO Again: 1984 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 62

Continued Wrangling over Covert

Action Notification: 1985–86 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 62

Tightening Control over Intelligence Funding: 1986 . . . . . . 63

Investigating the Iran-contra Affair: 1986–87 . . . . . . . . . . . 64

Changes to Congressional Oversight

Prompted by Iran-contra: 1987–91 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 66

GAO Audits Resurface: 1987–88 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 68

The Creation of a Statutory Inspector

General for the CIA: 1989 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 68

Statutory Recognition of the Agency’s

Support of Congress: 1992 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 69

Formalization of Notification Procedures:

The Guatemala Inquiries, 1995 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 70

Procedures for “Whistleblowers” Who Wished

to Contact Congress: 1998 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 71

The Joint Inquiry into the 9/11 Attacks: 2001–2003 . . . . . . 73

Criticism from the 9/11 Commission and an

End to Term Limits: 2004 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 74

AUTHOR’S COMMENTARY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 75

What Changed When the Select Committees Were Created 75

The Joint Committee Solution . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 76

Term Limits for Members of the Select Committees . . . . 77

The Impact of Personalities, Attitudes,

and Circumstances . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 78

CHAPTER 3: INTELLIGENCE-SHARING AND

OTHER INTERACTION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 93

The Early Period: 1947–75 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 94

After the Creation of the Select Committees: 1976-2004 . 114

AUTHOR’S COMMENTARY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 120

Significance of the Incidental Interaction with Congress 120

Why Congress Needs Intelligence Support . . . . . . . . . . . 121

The Impact of Intelligence-Sharing with the Congress . . 122

vii

C

ONTENTS CHAPTER 4: ORGANIZATIONAL ARRANGEMENTS

AT THE CIA . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 125

One-Man Operations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 125

An Expanded Office of Legislative Counsel: 1976–81 . . 127

Casey and Congress: 1981–86 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 128

Responding to Iran-Contra: 1986–90 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 130

Strengthening Ties to the Hill after

the Guatemala Episode: 1995 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 130

The Office of Congressional Affairs: 1988–2004 . . . . . . . 131

AUTHOR’S COMMENTARY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 132

The Agency’s Arrangements for Dealing

with the Congress . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 132

PART II: WHAT THE RELATIONSHIP PRODUCED

CHAPTER 5: LEGISLATION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 137

The Agency’s Original Charter: Section 202

of the National Security Act of 1947 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 137

The CIA Act of 1949 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 141

Additional Legislation: 1949–64 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 143

The Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act of 1978 . . . . . . 143

The Classified Information Procedures Act of 1980 . . . . . 145

The Intelligence Identities Protection Act of 1982 . . . . . . 145

Exemption from the Freedom of

Information Act for CIA: 1984 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 146

The CIA Inspector General Act of 1989 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 147

The Intelligence Reorganization Act of 1992 . . . . . . . . . . 149

Naming of the Headquarters Compound: 1998 . . . . . . . . . 150

The Intelligence Reform and Terrorism

Prevention Act of 2004 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 151

AUTHOR’S COMMENTARY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 153

Legislating Missions and Authorities for the CIA . . . . . . . 153

The President and Intelligence Legislation . . . . . . . . . . . . 155

What Never Made It Through the Congressional Mill . . . 157

CHAPTER 6: PROGRAM AND BUDGET . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 159

The Transition from CIG to CIA: 1946–47 . . . . . . . . . . . . 159

Covert Action: Funding a New Mission for the Agency . . 161

viii

C

ONTENTS Interaction in the Early Years: 1948–52 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 162

Interaction during the Eisenhower Years: 1953–60 . . . . . . 165

The Agency Headquarters Building: 1951–56 . . . . . . . . . . 170

Developments in the 1960s and Early 1970s . . . . . . . . . . . 172

Consideration of the Budget Process by

the Church and Pike Committees . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 177

Budget Oversight by the Select Committees

on Intelligence: 1977–81 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 179

Interaction During the Reagan

Administration: 1981–89 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 182

The End of the Cold War and Its Effect

on the Budget: 1989–95 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 184

Return to Relative Stability and Modest

Increases: 1995–2000 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 186

The Impact of the 9/11

Attacks: 2001–2004 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 187

AUTHOR’S COMMENTARY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 187

Exercising Power of the Purse . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 187

Hiding within the Defense Budget . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 188

The Quality of Budget Oversight . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 189

The Impact of Budget Oversight . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 190

CHAPTER 7: OVERSIGHT OF ANALYSIS . . . . . . . . . . . . 193

The Early Years: 1947–74 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 193

The Church and Pike Committees . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 199

Early Interaction with the Select Committees: 1976–80 . . 201

Later Interaction Regarding Analytical Issues: 1980–90 . . 204

The Iraqi Invasion of Kuwait and the

Persian Gulf War: 1990–91 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 207

The Gates Confirmation Hearings: 1991 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 210

Interaction with the Select

Committees 1991– 2000 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 212

AUTHOR’S COMMENTARY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 220

The Nature of the Interaction over Analysis . . . . . . . . . . 220

The Implications of Sharing Intelligence

for Oversight . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 222

ix

C

ONTENTS CHAPTER 8: OVERSIGHT OF COLLECTION . . . . . . . . . 223

Early Congressional Awareness of Espionage

Operations: 1947–60 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 223

Early Technical Collection: The U-2

and CORONA Programs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 227

The Cuban Missile Crisis: 1962–63 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 230

Contact with Respect to the Nosenko Case: 1967 . . . . . . . 231

Helms and the Leaders of the CIA

Subcommittees: 1966–73 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 232

The Church Committee’s Investigation of CIA

Domestic Activities: 1975–76 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 233

The Church Committee’s Look at Liaison

Relationships: 1976 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 235

The Pike Committee’s Treatment of

Operational Issues: 1975–76 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 236

Early Involvement of the SSCI in

Operational Matters: 1976–80 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 236

Early HPSCI Involvement in

Operational Matters: 1977–80 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 238

Executive Order 12333 and Limits on

Domestic Activities: 1981 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 239

SSCI Inquiry into “Death Squads” in

El Salvador: 1984 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 240

HPSCI Inquiry into Cuban Operations: 1987 . . . . . . . . . . 241

HPSCI Inquiry into the Agency’s

Relationship with Manuel Noriega: 1988 . . . . . . . . . . . . . 241

The SSCI’s Consideration of Arms

Control Treaties: 1987–92 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 241

The SSCI’s Reviews of CIA Support to

Military Operations: 1990–91 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 242

The SSCI’s Banca Nazionale del Lavoro

Investigation: 1992–93 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 243

The Guatemala Inquiries and their

Aftermath: 1995–96 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 244

CIA Use of Journalists, Clergy, and

Peace Corps Volunteers: 1996 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 245

Alleged Involvement in Crack Cocaine

Sales in Los Angeles: 1996–2000 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 245

CIA’s Role in the Accidental Bombing of the

Chinese Embassy in Belgrade: 1999 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 246

SSCI Inquiry into the Shootdown of a

x

C

ONTENTS Civilian Aircraft in Peru: 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 247

Operational Issues in the Joint Report on 9/11: 2002 . . . . 248

Inquiries into Counterterrorism Activities: 2003–04 . . . . . 250

Operational Issues in the SSCI’s Inquiry into

the Prewar Intelligence Assessments on Iraq: 2004 . . . . . 250

HPSCI Criticism of the DO: 2004 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 252

AUTHOR’S COMMENTARY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 253

Collection in General . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 253

Congress and Espionage . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 253

Congress and the Agency’s Technical Collection . . . . . . 255

Chapter 9: OVERSIGHT OF COVERT ACTION . . . . . . . . . 259

Congressional Awareness and Involvement from

1948 until the Bay of Pigs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 259

The Bay of Pigs: 1961 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 266

The Ramparts Affair: 1967 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 268

The “Secret War” in Laos: 1962–71 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 269

Chile and the Hughes-Ryan Amendment: 1973–74 . . . . . . 271

Angola: 1975–76 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 274

The Church Committee and Alleged

Assassination Plots: 1975 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 275

Other Covert Action Investigated by

the Church Committee: 1975–76 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 277

Covert Action and the Pike Committee: 1975–76 . . . . . . . 278

The Select Committees and How “Findings”

Were Handled: 1976–80 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 279

Initial Oversight Efforts of the

Committees: 1977–79 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 281

The Iranian Rescue Operations: 1979–80 . . . . . . . . . . . . . 282

Afghanistan: 1979–87 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 283

Angola and South Africa: 1985–88 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 286

Central America: 1979–86 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 287

The Investigation of CIA’s Involvement

in the Iran-contra Affair: 1987 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 295

Noriega and the SSCI: 1988–89 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 299

Iranian Arms Shipments to Bosnia: 1996 . . . . . . . . . . . . . 301

The Gingrich “Add” for Covert Action in Iran: 1995 . . . . 302

Support for the INC and the Iraq

Liberation Act of 1998 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 302

Covert Action in the Joint Report on 9/11: 2002 . . . . . . . . 304

xi

C

ONTENTS AUTHOR’S COMMENTARY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 305

Why Congress Paid Little Attention At First . . . . . . . . . . 305

The Issues Covert Action Raises for Congress . . . . . . . . 306

“Overt” Covert Action . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 308

Covert Action Since the End of the Cold War . . . . . . . . . 309

The Impact of the Select Committees’ Oversight

of Covert Action . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 310

Chapter 10: OVERSIGHT OF SECURITY AND

PERSONNEL MATTERS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 313

The Confrontations with Senator

Joseph R. McCarthy: 1950–54 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 313

The Paisley Matter: 1978 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 316

Max Hugel and the SSCI’s Investigation of

DCI Casey’s Prior Business Dealings: 1981 . . . . . . . . . . . 316

Casey’s Emphasis on Counterintelligence

and Security Issues: 1981–84 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 318

The “Year of the Spy” and Its Aftermath: 1985–87 . . . . . . 318

Concerns over Embassy Security: 1985–88 . . . . . . . . . . . . 321

Providing Authority to Redress Past Injustices: 1988 . . . . 322

The HPSCI’s Inquiry into Sex

Discrimination: 1994 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 322

The Congressional Reaction to the

Aldrich Ames case: 1994 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 322

The Mishandling of Classified Information

by Former DCI Deutch: 2000 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 326

HPSCI Action on Proposed

Compensation Reform: 2003–04 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 327

AUTHOR’S COMMENTARY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 328

The Threat and Reality of Espionage . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 328

Personnel Matters . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 329

Chapter 11: THE SENATE CONFIRMATION PROCESS . . 331

The Early DCIs: Souers through Dulles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 331

John McCone: 1962 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 333

William F. Raborn: 1965 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 334

Richard M. Helms: 1966 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 334

James R. Schlesinger: 1973 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 335

William E. Colby: 1973 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 336

xii

C

ONTENTS George H.W. Bush: 1976 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 337

President Carter’s Appointments: Sorensen and Turner . . 338

William J. Casey: 1981 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 339

The First Gates Nomination: 1987 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 340

William H. Webster: 1987 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 340

The Second Gates Nomination: 1991 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 341

President Clinton’s Choices: Woolsey, Carns,

Deutch, Lake, and Tenet . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 343

Porter Goss: 2004 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 348

AUTHOR’S COMMENTARY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 349

Openness of the Confirmation Process . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 349

Significance of the Confirmation Process . . . . . . . . . . . . 350

The Ideal Nominee? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 351

APPENDICES

APPENDIX A. Directors of Central Intelligence . . . . . . . . . . 353

APPENDIX B. Committee Chairmen with Responsibility

for the CIA (1947–2004) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 354

Senate Armed Services Committee (1947–75) . . . . . . . . . 354

Senate Select Committee on Intelligence (1976–2004) . . . 354

Senate Appropriations Committee (1947–2004) . . . . . . . . 355

Senate Appropriations Subcommittee on

Defense (1975–2004) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 355

House Armed Services Committee (1947–1977) . . . . . . . . 356

House Permanent Select Committee

on Intelligence (1977–2004) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 356

House Appropriations Committee (1947–2004) . . . . . . . . 356

APPENDIX C. Heads of the CIA Office of

Congressional Affairs (1947–2004) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 358

APPENDIX D. List of Abbreviations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 359

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Public Documents . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 361

Oral History Interviews . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 364

Other Interviews . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 364

Books, Articles and Unpublished Manuscripts . . . . . . . . . 365

INDEX
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 373

Recenzii

Library Journal 5/15/2009 issue; Special Feature Article by Jim Church "Looking Back, Moving On: 2008 Best Notable Government Documents"

The Agency and the Hill: CIA's Relationship with Congress, 1946-2004. by L. Britt Snider. Center for the Study of Intelligence, Central Intelligence Agency. http://purl.access.gpo.gov/GPO/LPS101665. 2008. 389p. photos. SuDoc # PREX 3.17:AG 3. GPO Stock # 041-015-00257-1 $49.

"This detailed study encompasses the period from the creation of the agency in 1947 until 2004, when the director of Central Intelligence ceased being the head of the U.S. intelligence community.  The aim was to offer an understanding of the agency's relationship with Congress, analyze the past, and provide a guide to the future."

Comentariile autorului

PREFACE
This is a study of the CIA’s relationship with Congress. It encompasses the
period from the creation of the Agency until 2004—the era of the DCIs. When
Congress created a new position in December 2004—the director of national
intelligence—to supersede the director of central intelligence (DCI) as head of
the US Intelligence Community, it necessarily changed the dynamic between
the CIA and the Congress. While the director of the Agency would continue to
represent its interests on Capitol Hill, he or she would no longer speak as the
head of US intelligence. While 2008 is too early to assess how this change
will affect the Agency’s relationship with Congress, it is safe to say it will
never be quite the same.
This study is not organized as one might expect. It does not describe what
occurred between the Agency and Congress in chronological order nor does it
purport to describe every interaction that occurred over the period encompassed
by the study. Rather it attempts to describe what the relationship was
like over time and then look at what it produced in seven discrete areas.
I took this approach for several reasons. First, I found that telling the story
in chronological sequence tended to obscure the lessons of the past, rather
than illuminate them. Taking everything at once and bringing it forward made
it more difficult to discern what was happening. The forest obscured the trees,
if you will. Moreover, not everything that transpired in the course of the relationship
can be considered historically significant. Even if it were possible to
recount every interaction that took place between the Agency and Congress
over the 58-year period covered by this study (and it isn’t), readers would be
wasting their time delving into it.
“Slicing and dicing” the subject matter in this way, however, did inevitably
lead to a degree of duplication. I tried to deal with this problem by limiting the
explanatory material in each chapter to that which was necessary to understanding
the points being made in that chapter, even if the same explanatory
material were also needed (to a lesser or greater extent) to understand the
points being made in other chapters. Hopefully, the reader will bear this in
mind (and remain tolerant) where the duplication occurs.
An element of subjectivity was also involved in choosing the examples
used in the study. Several factors influenced my choices here. First, I wanted
to confine myself to episodes that were historically significant and/or would
best highlight the issues identified. I also chose episodes, where possible, that
had some prior public context. Without it, not only would more explanation be
required, but the chances of having it declassified would be practically nil. My
intent was to produce an unclassified study, something that could be read by
Agency employees outside the office. Readers may be surprised to learn that
this created less of a problem than one might expect, since most of the significant
interaction that has occurred between Congress and the Agency involves
matters that have previously been disclosed in some manner.
The reader should not expect to find, however, detailed descriptions of the
episodes chosen for the narrative. In order to keep the study to a manageable
length, I deliberately tried to distill the descriptions of the events I chose into
readable summaries. What I am principally concerned with here is the congressional
involvement in these episodes, not with what the Agency did or did
not do that prompted Congress to become involved. Indeed, books have been
written about many of the episodes described here. I am not attempting to replicate
what is already in the public domain with respect to the Agency’s past,
but rather to describe how the Agency engaged with Congress with respect to
its past. Readers who want more detail concerning the Agency’s activities
alluded to in the study will need to consult other sources.
The study is divided into two major parts.
Part I describes how Congress and the Agency related to each other over the
period covered by the study. As it happens, this period conveniently breaks
down into two major segments: the years before the creation of the select
committees on intelligence (1946–76) and the years after the creation of these
committees (1976–2004). The arrangements that Congress put in place during
the earlier period to provide oversight and tend to the needs of the Agency
were distinctly different from those put in place in the mid-1970s and beyond.
Over the entire period, moreover, the Agency shared intelligence with the
Congress and had other interaction with its members that affected the relationship.
This, too, is described in part I.
Part II describes what the relationship produced over time in seven discrete
areas: legislation affecting the Agency; programs and budget; oversight of
analysis; oversight of collection; oversight of covert action; oversight of security
and personnel matters; and the Senate confirmation process. It highlights
what the principal issues have been for Congress in each area as well as how
those issues have been handled.
My principal objective in undertaking this study was not so much to describe
as to explain—to write something that would help CIA employees better
understand the Agency’s relationship with Congress, not only to help them
appreciate the past but to provide a guide to the future. At the end of each chapter
appears a section titled “Author’s Commentary” that contains my observations
with respect to the topics covered in that chapter. The opinions expressed
here are solely mine and should not be seen as necessarily reflecting the views
of the Center for the Study of Intelligence or the Central Intelligence Agency.
In preparing this study, I have had access to classified Agency records.
Within this body of material, the research done in the early 1990s by former
Agency historian Gerald K. Haines proved especially useful. Classified monographs
and interviews prepared by the Center for the Study of Intelligence
were also unusually helpful. Inasmuch as this is an unclassified study, however,
with a few exceptions only unclassified materials are cited in the footnotes.
Where classified sources are involved, I typically refer to them in the
text as “Agency records” or, in some cases, omit any source identification at
all. While I recognize that from a reader’s standpoint this may be far from
ideal, it was necessary to keep the study at an unclassified level.
While these documents were extremely useful, I was also struck by the relative
paucity of documentation available at the CIA concerning its relations with
Congress before the mid-1970s, testament in and of itself to the informal,
highly personal nature of the relationship during that period. Information was
routinely communicated by DCIs to members of Congress without anyone else
being present. As such, there was no one to memorialize for the Agency’s
records what had been said. Even where memos were prepared, they were often
so cursory it was impossible to know what had actually been communicated.
In addition to the classified materials, numerous public sources were consulted.
Two books have thus far been written on the subject of congressional
oversight of intelligence, and both are cited frequently in this study: Smist’s
Congress Oversees the United States Intelligence Community and Barrett’s
The CIA and Congress. Indeed, both provide information that is not otherwise
found in the Agency’s files. Numerous other books reviewed by the author
have dealt with aspects of the CIA’s relations with Congress. The most notable
of these are Woodward’s Veil; Prados’s Lost Crusader and Presidents’ Secret
Wars; and Ranelagh’s The Agency. Several former DCIs have written memoirs
that have useful insights: Helms, A Look Over My Shoulder; Gates, From the
Shadows; and, most recently, Tenet, At the Center of the Storm.
I also did a limited number of interviews for the study, primarily with CIA
officials who had recently been involved in managing the relationship with
Congress and who had not been previously interviewed by the Center’s historians.
Sadly, these did not include the personal recollections of Stanley M.
Moskowitz, who twice served as the Agency’s liaison with the Congress
under DCIs Woolsey and Tenet. While Stan had agreed to be interviewed for
this project, he passed away unexpectedly on 29 June 2006 before the interview
could be scheduled.
I did not seek access to records held by the select intelligence committees,
given their past reluctance (under their respective committee rules) to provide
such access to outsiders. It is my hope that one day they will see fit to write
their own histories and make them available to the public.
—L. Britt Snider

Extras

Excerpts from The Agency and Hill:
""
"Looking back over the Agency’s early history, it is
remarkable how often the idea of a joint committee on
intelligence was offered up in Congress as the panacea
to the existing oversight arrangements."
"The Agency’s fortunes on Capitol Hill to some degreeThis is a study of the CIA’s relationship with Congress.
It encompasses the period from the creation of the
Agency until 2004—the era of the DCIs.
have always been a function of how the committees
with responsbility for the Agency perceived the DCI:
the greater the level of trust, the greater the level of
comfort in terms of how the Agency is operating. But
especially during the early years, when so much of the
interaction between the Agency and the Congress was
informal and personal, how the DCI was perceived on
the Hill was a key factor in setting the terms of the relationship.""

Textul de pe ultima copertă

Excerpts from The Agency and Hill:
""
"Looking back over the Agency’s early history, it is
remarkable how often the idea of a joint committee on
intelligence was offered up in Congress as the panacea
to the existing oversight arrangements."
"The Agency’s fortunes on Capitol Hill to some degree this is a study of the CIA’s relationship with Congress.
It encompasses the period from the creation of the
Agency until 2004—the era of the DCIs.
have always been a function of how the committees
with responsbility for the Agency perceived the DCI:
the greater the level of trust, the greater the level of
comfort in terms of how the Agency is operating. But
especially during the early years, when so much of the
interaction between the Agency and the Congress was
informal and personal, how the DCI was perceived on
the Hill was a key factor in setting the terms of the relationship.""